[*] Associate Professor of Law, Touro College, Jacob D. Fuchsberg Law Center. A.B., 1975, Harvard University; J.D., 1980, Boston College Law School. I would like to thank Professor Beverly McQueary Smith and the National Bar Association for including me on a panel before which an earlier version of this Article was presented. I am indebted to panel members Dean Daniel O. Bernstine of the University of Wisconsin Law School and Dean Henry Ramsey, Jr. of Howard Law School for their helpful and inspiring comments. I would also like to express my thanks to Barbara Martinolich and Deborah Conquest for their valuable contributions as research assistants in the preparation of this Article. A very special thanks is reserved for my wife, Marjorie, whose penetrating intelligence, loving support, and encouragement made this Article far better than it otherwise would have been. Return to text.
[1] DAVID LEVERING LEWIS, W.E.B. DUBOIS: BIOGRAPHY OF A RACE 330 (1993). These lines were part of DuBois' compelling "Address to the Country" read by Lafayette Hershaw at the Second Meeting of the Niagara Movement on August 15, 1906. Id. The address ended with the reasoned demand: "Cannot the nation that has absorbed ten million foreigners into its political life without catastrophe absorb ten million Negro Americans into that same political life at less cost than their unjust and illegal exclusion will involve?" Id. Return to text.
[2] Any and all references in this Article to "people of color" or "minorities" is expressly intended to include Blacks or African-Americans, Latinos or Hispanic-Americans, and Asians or Asian-Americans. Return to text.
[3] See Daniel O. Bernstine, Minority Law Students and the Bar Examination: Are Law Schools Doing Enough?, B. EXAMINER, Aug. 1989, at 10, 10. From confidential discussions with several law school deans, Dean Bernstine recounts what he terms "unsubstantiated horror stories" about the poor performance of minority students. Id. For example, he writes:
I have been able to determine that for some recent bar examinations, zero out of eleven minority graduates of a particular law school passed the local bar . . . and at yet another school, zero out of eight passed the local bar. The schools involved are among the "better" law schools and, in fact, two of these three schools, in all likelihood would, by consensus, be ranked in the top thirty of American law schools.Id.; see generally STEPHEN P. KLEIN & ROGER BOLUS, COMMITTEE OF BAR EXAMINERS OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA, MINORITY GROUP PERFORMANCE ON THE CALIFORNIA BAR EXAMINATION (1987); Katherine L. Vaughns, Towards Parity in Bar Passage Rates and Law School Performance: Exploring the Sources of Disparities Between Racial and Ethnic Groups, 16 T. Marshall L. Rev. 425 (1991); Armundo M. Menocal, III, Letter from the Chair, B. EXAMINER, Feb. 1991, at 2. Menocal writes:
Almost all examiners acknowledge that disproportionate pass rates exist. Too few, however, actually know how great the gap is between men and women, minorities and non-minorities, and other discreet [sic] groups. . . .
[4] See, e.g., Stephen P. Klein, On Testing: How To Respond to the Critics, B. EXAMINER, Feb. 1986, at 16, 23 [hereinafter Klein, On Testing] (concluding that the bar exam is "neither widening nor narrowing the gap among groups . . . [because a]nalyses of this issue show that the differences in performance level among racial/ethnic groups on this state's bar exam parallel the size of the differences among them in law school grades and admission test scores"). Klein states that,
[i]n short, the bar exam neither widens or narrows the differences among groups that were present before they took the exam.
[5] See generally Maurice Emsellem, Racial and Ethnic Barriers to the Legal Profession: The Case Against the Bar Examination, 61 N.Y. ST. B.J., Apr. 1989, at 42; Henry Ramsey, Jr., Symposium, National Conference on Minority Bar Passage: Bridging the Gap Between Theory and Practice, 16 T. MARSHALL L. REV. 419 (1991); Dannye Holley & Thomas Kleven, Minorities and the Legal Profession: Current Platitudes, Current Barriers, 12 T. MARSHALL L. REV. 299 (1987); Linda E. Dávila, The Underrepresentation of Hispanic Attorneys in Corporate Law Firms, 39 STAN. L. REV. 1403 (1987); Klein, On Testing, supra note 4; John Pierre et al., Racial Disparities in Bar Examination Performance: An Hypothesis, 40 LA. B.J. 483 (1993). Return to text.
[6] The consequences of discriminatory bar exams are extremely significant. See, e.g., NEW YORK STATE BAR ASSOCIATION, PROPOSED STUDY OF THE BAR EXAMINATION (1991). After noting the large numerical differences in passage rates, the authors concluded:
The societal impact of this discrepancy cannot be overstated. First, the disproportionate failure rate affects the hiring and retention of minority law graduates in all areas of the profession. Second, these rates may substantially discourage minority college graduates from seeking admission to law school, thus com pounding the problem of law-school recruitment as minority enrollment in college drops nationwide. Third, and perhaps most important, the level of minority representation in the profession has a significant impact on public confidence in and respect toward the justice system.Id. at 1. See also THE ASSOCIATION OF THE BAR OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY—A BLUEPRINT FOR REFORM 11 (1992) [hereinafter REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK]. While reiterating the concerns reflected in the New York State Bar Association's report, the authors write that "because many minority lawyers serve the under-represented, legal services to the poor have been especially hard-hit by the disparities in bar passage rates between whites and minority groups." Id. at 13.
[7] See, e.g., Delgado, 522 F. Supp. at 886. In that case, the plaintiffs, three African-Americans and two Hispanics, alleged that the Pennsylvania Board of Bar Examiners intentionally manipulated the required passing score in order to discriminate against minorities. Id. They also argued that
Id. at 11.
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[8] From the limited information available, it also appears that the bar exam has a discriminatory impact on women. Recent figures from Iowa indicated an 11% difference in the passage rate between men and women in the June, 1987 administration of the Iowa Bar Examination, and a 14% difference in the passage rate in the December, 1987 administration. REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK, supra note 6, at 13; see also Arthur E. Ryman Jr., Women and the Bar Examination: Thinking like a Woman Lawyer, 37 DRAKE L. REV. 79 (1987-88). Interestingly, Ryman notes that the female graduates of Drake University Law School who failed the Iowa Bar Exam on the subject dates had better academic records, on average, than their male classmates who failed the exam. Ryman, supra, at 79; see also Stephen P. Klein, An Analysis of the Relationships Between Bar Examination Scores and an Applicant's Law School, Admissions Test Scores, Grades, Sex, and Racial/Ethnic Group, B. EXAMINER 1980, at 14, 17. The author notes that "[f]emale applicants did slightly less well on the MBE [multistate bar examination] portion of the examination than would have been expected on the basis of their LGPAs [law school grade point averages] and LSAT [Law School Admissions Test] scores. For example, 7% more females than males passed the essay, but 5% more males than females passed the MBE." Id. Although Klein characterizes this difference as "slight," it is important to note that the net effect resulted in a 12% swing downward from the position in which the females should have been on the basis of LGPAs, LSAT scores, and essay performance. See generally infra part IV.B.3.
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[9] Menocal, supra note 3, at 3; see also SEGAL, supra note 7, at 10-11 & n.41. According to Segal, the National Conference of Bar Examiners did not maintain any data on the race of those candidates who either took or passed the various state bar examinations and was unable to refer Segal to any other sources that did. SEGAL, supra, at 10-11 & n.41; see also REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK, supra note 6, at 12 ("California is the only state which regularly collects and analyzes data concerning the minority pass rate.").
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[10] Menocal, supra note 3, at 3.
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[11] See generally Bernstine, supra note 3; MASSACHUSETTS BAR ASSOCIATION, REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON BAR ADMISSIONS, THE BAR EXAMINATION: IS IT FAIR? (1989) [hereinafter MASSACHUSETTS BAR REPORT]. The Committee concluded, after a frustrating and ultimately unsuccessful effort to verify and quantify the nature of the bar passage problem among minorities, that
[12] See also Menocal, supra note 3, at 3; Bernstine, supra note 3, at 10 ("[J]urisdictions are careful to protect the confidentiality of a particular school's bar passage rates and will, in most instances, release data to a school about only its graduates.").
[13] Menocal, supra note 3, at 3.
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[14] Id.
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[15] Id. ("[T]his kind of data collection is an accepted fact from law school admissions to employment records.").
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[16] Id.; see also REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK, supra note 6, at 11.
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[17] Menocal, supra note 3, at 3; see infra part III; see also Pierre et al., supra note 5, at 487. In attempting to discover the reason for the racially disparate bar performance of bar candidates in Louisiana, the authors hypothesized that, given the essay format of Louisiana's Bar Exam, it might be possible "for the bar examiners unconsciously to pick up on the race of the writer from their usage, syntax, grammar and word choice. And is it possible that these examiners, again unconsciously, would allow their lower expectations of a particular writer to influence their assessment" of the writer['s] score?" Pierre et al., supra note 5, at 487 (citations omitted).
This theory is not so unreasonable as it may appear, given the results of a study conducted in California. In that study, 80 elementary school teachers were given a series of eight essay exams to grade. Id. at 486. All of the exams had been previously determined by educational experts to be of equal quality—the only difference among the essays was the name assigned to each one. Id. Some essays were given so called "red-blooded all-American" sounding names, others were given wimpy or unpopular sounding names. Id. The teachers gave the papers significantly different grades, with the red-blooded all-American names receiving the highest grades, and the wimpy or unpopular sounding names receiving the lowest. Id. at 486-87. Such studies and questions fuel suspicions that extraneous matter such as word choice, or even a name, can significantly, albeit unconsciously, affect the substantive evaluation of quality.
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[18] See Menocal, supra note 3, at 3.
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[19] Id.
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[20] See generally KLEIN & BOLUS, supra note 3 (California); YAMAKI ET AL., supra note 6 (California); REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK, supra note 6; HARI SWAMINATHAN & H. JANE ROGERS, AN INVESTIGATION OF RACIAL AND ETHNIC BIAS IN THE FLORIDA BAR EXAMINATION, FINAL REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE RACIAL AND ETHNIC BIAS STUDY COMMISSION OF THE FLORIDA SUPREME COURT (1991); MASSACHUSETTS BAR REPORT, supra note 11.
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[21] See, e.g., REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE NEW YORK BAR, supra note 6, at 12. The Committee found that in New York State, the significance of the disproportionality between whites and minorities was "sobering and should occasion much concern" and concluded that "[t]he extant research in other jurisdictions indicates that the bar examinations in those states have a discriminatory impact on minority applicants and may also discriminate against female and older applicants." Id. (citations omitted). See also SWAMINATHAN & ROGERS, supra note 20, at 28. In evaluating the essay portion of a number of prior administrations of the Florida Bar Exam, the Commission concluded: "In the February administration, all essays showed potential bias against minority candidates. The performance of the minority candidates was substantially lower than the performance of the Whites. For the July administration, one of the three essays showed potential bias against the minority candidates." Id.
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[22] See REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK, supra note 6, at 14. This study emphasized that
[23] Id. at 11; see also SWAMINATHAN & ROGERS, supra note 20, at 30. The report recommended that "[t]he Florida Board of Bar Examiners obtain racial/ethnic information on candidates for the Bar Exam so that performance levels of majority and minority candidates can be monitored." SWAMINATHAN & ROGERS, supra note 20, at 30.
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[24] Henry Ramsey Jr., Law Graduates, Law Schools and Bar Passage Rates, B. EXAMINER, Feb. 1991, at 21, 21. Therein Dean Ramsey notes that on the basis of the LSAC study,
[25] See, e.g., Anne R. Carey & Suzy Parker, Blacks in the Legal Profession, USA TODAY, Feb. 20, 1995, at A1. In 1983, there were 651,000 lawyers and judges in America, of whom 17,577, or 2.7%, were black. Id. Ten years later in 1993, there were 815,000 lawyers and judges in America, of whom 22,820, or 2.8%, were black. Id. This represents an increase of just 0.1% in 10 years!
[26] The Bar Passage Rates study
[27] SEGAL, supra note 7, at 24 (citations omitted); see, e.g., William L. Martin, The Women and Minorities Study: The Results Are In, ARKANSAS LAWYER, Apr. 1992, at 51, 51 (observing, from his study results, that "[e]ighty percent of the white attor neys work in segregated offices"). Thus, as of 1992, 80% of white lawyers in Arkansas worked in offices that had no minority attorneys at all. Martin, supra, at 51.
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[28] REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK, supra note 6, at 14.
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[29] Ramsey, supra note 24, at 21.
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[30] Id. at 23. Although well-intentioned and an extremely valuable contribution to the extant knowledge in this area, the LSAC study, even when completed, will be of limited value. This is because its statistical base consists of only three classes of graduates and thereby is limited in terms of the range of its informational base. Id. This is true even though the retrospective module will focus on the graduates of the classes of 1988 and 1989, while the prospective module will focus on those students who entered law school in the fall of 1991 and thus were members of the graduating class of 1994. Id. This limited statistical base is further exacerbated by the fact that the study will terminate with the class of 1994 and, at least presently, there are no plans to continue monitoring future classes in order to measure the effect of reforms currently being discussed by members of the bench, bar, and academia. Id. By its own terms, the study is designed to provide information to "assist students, educators, bar examiners and administrators, and others to better understand the national bar passage situation, and, as a result, to develop methods for increasing the success rates of students—particularly minority students—in law school and on the bar examination." Id. The study will clearly make a significant contribution to the information available to all of these identified groups, but without further and continuous monitoring, there is no way to determine whether the anticipated new "methods for increasing the success rates of students—particularly minority students—in law school and on the bar examination" will bear any tangible fruit in terms of increases in law school performance or bar exam passage rates. Id.
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[31] See REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK, supra note 6, at 14. The authors conclude:
[32] Currently most states do not collect data on the race or ethnicity of their bar exam applicants. See Menocal, supra note 3, at 3 ("[T]he overwhelming majority of all states have avoided the collection of race-ethnic data. Frankly, some jurisdictions are unwilling to collect [such] information."); see also REPORT ON ADMISSION TO THE BAR IN NEW YORK, supra note 6, at 11; MASSACHUSETTS BAR REPORT, supra note 11, at 7-8.
[33] There are three principal federal statutes in this area:
[34] See Pub. L. No. 94-200, 89 Stat. 1125 (1975) (codified as amended at 12 U.S.C. §§ 2809-10 (1994)); Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery and Enforcement Act of 1989, Pub. L. No. 101-73, Sec. 1211, 103 Stat. 183, 524-26 (1989) (codified as amended in scattered sections of 12 U.S.C. (1994)).
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[35] See Glenn B. Canner & Delores S. Smith, Expanded HMDA Data on Residential Lending: One Year Later, 78 FED. RESERVE BULL. 801 (1992).
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[36] See ALICIA H. MUNNELL ET AL., MORTGAGE LENDING IN BOSTON: INTERPRETING THE HMDA DATA 2 (Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, Working Paper No. 92-7, 1992).
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[37] See, e.g., Anthony D. Taibi, Banking, Finance, and Community Economic Empowerment: Structural Economic Theory, Procedural Civil Rights, and Substantive Racial Justice, 107 HARV. L. REV. 1463 (1994); see also Peter P. Swire, The Persistent Problem of Lending Discrimination: A Law and Economics Analysis, 73 TEX. L. REV. 787 (1995). Although he acknowledges that he shares the economists' view that government regulation of lending discrimination is unnecessary because the market will deter, correct, and punish lenders who voluntarily forego profits or income in order to indulge their prejudices, Swire does observe that "[t]he Boston Fed Study, based on by far the best data yet available, was hailed by true believers and others as definite proof of continuing discrimination in mortgage lending." Swire, supra, at 808 & n.120 (citing Paul Wiseman, Bankers Grumpy Despite Strong Profits, USA TODAY, Oct. 19., 1992, at B6) (quoting Federal Reserve Governor John LaWare, who stated that the study provided "conclusive evidence of de facto discrimination").
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[38] See, e.g., Swire, supra note 37, at 798 (citing Gary S. Becker, The Evidence Against Banks Doesn't Prove Bias, BUS. WEEK, Apr. 19, 1993, at 18; Stan Liebowitz, A Study That Deserves No Credit, WALL. ST. J., Sept. 1, 1993, at A14).
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[39] See, e.g., Schware v. Board of Bar Examiners, 353 U.S. 232 (1957); see also In re Griffiths, 413 U.S. 717 (1973); Martin-Trigona v. Underwood, 529 F.2d 33 (7th Cir. 1975); Hawkins v. Moss, 503 F.2d 1171 (4th Cir. 1974), cert. denied, 420 U.S. 928 (1975).
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[40] 353 U.S. 232 (1957).
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[41] Id. at 239 (citations omitted).
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[42] 517 F.2d 1089 (5th Cir. 1975), cert. denied, 426 U.S. 940 (1976). Cases which followed Tyler include Jones v. Board of Comm'rs of the Ala. State Bar, 737 F.2d 996 (11th Cir. 1984); Woodard v. Virginia Bd. of Bar Examiners, 598 F.2d 1345 (4th Cir. 1979); Parrish v. Board of Comm'rs of the Ala. State Bar, 533 F.2d 942 (5th Cir. 1976); Delgado v. McTighe, 522 F. Supp. 886 (E.D. Pa. 1981); Newsome v. Dominique, 455 F. Supp. 1373 (E.D. Mo. 1978); Pettit v. Gingerich, 427 F. Supp. 282 (D.Md. 1977).
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[43] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1092.
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[44] Id.
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[45] Id. at 1093.
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[46] Id. at 1092.
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[47] Id.
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[48] Id. at 1105 (Adams, J., dissenting).
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[49] Id. at 1092.
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[50] Id. It is interesting to note that, although it was not pointed out by the court in Tyler, "even blacks graduating from top-ranking 'Ivy League' law schools did not fare well." SEGAL, supra note 7, at 11.
[51] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1093.
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[52] Id.
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[53] Id.
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[54] Id. at 1094. In support of this theory, the plaintiffs introduced the deposition testimony of a professional linguist, who held a Ph.D. in the field and had spoken and published widely about Black English, including its history and usage in America. Id. The linguist indicated that there was such an English variant, distinct and identifiable, and that under extreme stress, such as a bar exam, an individual who had been raised in this dialect might well revert to it notwithstanding years of formal training in standard English. Id.
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[55] Id.
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[56] Id. The black appellants argued that, notwithstanding this acknowledgment by their own expert, the use of Black English in a bar examination essay response could still be the basis for overt discrimination because even if the grader did not recognize it as a racial characteristic, he would still react "negatively because he conceives it to be incorrect." Id. Recent studies provide support for the appellants' arguments. See discussion supra note 17.
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[57] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1093.
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[58] Id. at 1093 n.1.
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[59] Id.
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[60] Id. at 1095.
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[61] Id.; see Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as amended, 42 U.S.C. § 2000e (1996). As construed by the then-operative, but now-overturned, case of Griggs v. Duke Power Co., Title VII prohibited the use of any testing process or procedures, regardless of intent or motive, that had the effect of disproportionately excluding members of a protected minority class of persons, unless such tests were "demonstrably a reasonable measure of job performance." 401 U.S. 424, 425 (1971). Under the EEOC guidelines interpreting Title VII, which were in place at the time:
[62] 401 U.S. 424 (1971).
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[63] Id. at 425.
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[64] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1096.
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[65] Id.
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[66] Id.
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[67] Id.
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[68] Id. The appellants actually posited that the Bar Examination was a type of super-employment test, in that failure resulted not simply in the loss of a specific job, transfer, or promotion, but rather in the inability to practice law anywhere in the entire state. Id. Nonetheless, the court was not persuaded. Id.
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[69] Id.
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[70] See id. at 1099. The court went on to observe, "The hallmark of a rational classification is not merely that it differentiates, but that it does so on a basis having a fair and substantial relationship to the purposes of the classification." Id.
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[71] Id. at 1098. In fact, the court referred to its holding in this regard as "our refusal to measure the constitutionality of the Georgia Bar Examination by Title VII standards." Id. at 1098-99.
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[72] See, e.g., Allen v. City of Mobile, 466 F.2d 122 (5th Cir. 1972), cert. denied, 412 U.S. 909 (1973); Geduldig v. Aiello, 417 U.S. 484 (1974); Communications Workers of Am. v. AT&T, 513 F.2d 1024 (2d Cir. 1975), vacated, 429 U.S. 1033 (1977); Wetzel v. Liberty Mut. Ins. Co., 511 F.2d 199, (3d Cir. 1975), vacated and remanded, 424 U.S. 737 (1976); Gilbert v. General Elec. Co., 519 F.2d 661 (4th Cir. 1975), rev'd, 429 U.S. 125 (1976).
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[73] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1099.
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[74] Id. (citing Jefferson v. Hackney, 406 U.S. 535 (1972); James v. Valtierra, 402 U.S. 137 (1971); comparing Geduldig v. Aiello, 417 U.S. 484 (1974)).
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[75] Id. at 1100.
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[76] Id.
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[77] Id.
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[78] Id. The court noted that when this showing has been met, it shifts the burden of proof to the defendant to demonstrate that, in fact, "invidious discrimination was not among the reasons for his actions." Id. However, the court concluded that it did not have to decide whether this standard applied in the instant case because of its conclusion that the appellee-examiners had carried their burden of demonstrating the absence of any genuine issue of material fact regarding intentional racial discrimination. Id.
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[79] Id.
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[80] Id. at 1101.
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[81] Id. at 1101-02 (citing Armstead v. Starkville Mun. Separate Sch. Dist., 461 F.2d 276 (5th Cir. 1972)) (holding that the Graduate Record Examination was an unconstitutional method for selecting primary and secondary school teachers since it failed to meet the standard of a rationally supportable examination established therein).
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[82] Id. at 1102.
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[83] Id.
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[84] Id.
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[85] Id. The court also rejected appellants' argument that the Board of Examiners should be required to use model answers and predetermined standards in grading, since these were merely suggestions for improvement and did not go to the question of whether the examination was reasonable. Id. Similarly, the court rejected appellants' arguments that the Board of Examiners was acting unreasonably in at least two other respects: 1) because its practice of determining which failing exams were to be reviewed and regraded was based not on a definitive numerical cutoff, but rather on the exercise of an examiner's own discretion, and 2) because it employed the practice of comparing examination results with the law school records of the examinees. Id. at 1103.
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[86] Id.
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[87] Id.
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[88] Id. at 1103-04.
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[89] Id. at 1104. The court noted in this regard that, even if it were to make the "generous assumption that one out of every hundred applicants who take the examination fail[s] when they should have passed due to arbitrary grading, the probability that the same individual would be the victim of error after two reexaminations is literally one in a million." Id. (citation omitted). The court was also impressed with the fact that the hearing process itself could be susceptible to error. See id. Accordingly, on balance they saw little advantage to providing such a review and certainly no constitutional error in not providing one. See id. at 1104-05.
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[90] Id. at 1095.
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[91] Id.
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[92] Id. at 1097.
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[93] Id. at 1099 (citation omitted).
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[94] Id. at 1101.
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[95] Id.
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[96] Id. at 1102 (quoting an unreported opinion of the court granting summary judgment in one of the consolidated actions comprising the appeal at issue).
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[97] Id. at 1103.
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[98] Id. at 1093 (quoting Poller v. Columbia Broadcasting Sys., Inc., 368 U.S. 464, 473 (1962)).
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[99] Id. at 1108. Interestingly, the dissent also cited Poller, as had the majority, to support this proposition.
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[100] Id. at 1105.
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[101] Id. at 1106.
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[102] Id.
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[103] See infra note 108 regarding the impermissibility of presumptions of racial inferiority.
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[104] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1105. This applicant pool consisted, in part, of at least six blacks who were recent graduates of three of the finest law schools is the country, and yet each of them failed this Bar Examination. See supra note 50.
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[105] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1106 (citations omitted).
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[106] Id. There is no record of either an official inquiry or investigation by the Georgia State Board of Bar Examiners as a consequence of this 100% bar failure rate of all 40 black applicants. This is particularly striking in light of the fact that among that group were six black applicants who had been graduated from Harvard, Yale, and Columbia law schools. See SEGAL, supra note 7, at 11-12. The dissent noted, in this regard, that there was "the absence of an investigation, or indeed any effort, by the administrators of the state program in question to ascertain whether the seemingly purposeful discrimination is intentional in fact or is explainable by the circumstances." Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1106.
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[107] Perhaps there are more benign explanations for the Board of Bar Examiners' nonreaction to such unanimous failure, but I am at a loss to think of one. As the dissent in Tyler pointed out, there was, and to a large extent still is today, a widespread presumption, particularly in states such as Georgia, of the intellectual inferiority of blacks as a race. This presumption strikes me as the most, in fact the only, logical explanation for the Board's apparently passive reaction to such stark bar results. Although private individuals are free to harbor such racist presumptions about the intellectual capacity of an entire race of people, such an attitude is absolutely unacceptable as a basis for either state action or inaction. Again, as the dissent in Tyler pointed out, with respect to state action, "a presumption of racial inferiority is simply not permissible." Id.
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[108] Id. Such presumptions have been a part of our common American heritage since before the founding of the Republic and continue to haunt us to this day. See infra part V.B.
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[109] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1105.
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[110] Id. at 1106.
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[111] Id. at 1093. The Board of Bar Examiners thus denied both that there was any actual racial animus and that, even if there were, there was no opportunity to act upon it since the examiners could not discover an applicant's race before grading his or her exam. Id.
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[112] 461 F.2d 276 (5th Cir. 1972) (holding that the Graduate Record Examination was an unconstitutional method for selecting primary and secondary school teachers).
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[113] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1102. The test suggested that a rationally supportable examination should meet two standards: 1) be designed for the purpose for which it is being used, and 2) utilize a cutoff score related to the quality which the examination purports to measure. Id.
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[114] Id.
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[115] Id.
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[116] Id. at 1106. In reaching this conclusion, Judge Adams observed in a footnote that he did not mean "by this statement to impugn the integrity of the examiners. Rather, [he] suggest[ed] only that it is not appropriate to foreclose an attempt by plaintiffs to establish this fact." Id. at 1106 n.7.
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[117] 462 F.2d 1112 (5th Cir. 1973).
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[118] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1106 (quoting Baker, 462 F.2d at 1114); see generally Beverly M.M. Charles, First They Came for the Teachers . . . : Competency Testing and the Decertification of Texas Teachers Issued Certificates Valid for Life, 12 T. MARSHALL L. REV. 1 (1986). But see Michael Rebell, Disparate Impact of Teacher Competency Testing on Minorities: Don't Blame the Test-Takers—or the Tests, 4 YALE L. & POL'Y REV. 375 (1986).
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[119] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1102 n.11. As a consequence of this finding, the court had held that the appropriate standard of judicial review was one of strict scrutiny (requiring a compelling state interest) rather than merely of rational relationship. Id.
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[120] Of course, the majority found that there was no genuine issue of material fact on the issue of purposeful discrimination. Id. at 1093. However, in so doing, it relied unreasonably and without further explanation on the good faith word of the Bar Examiners themselves and their agents, without giving the appellants an opportunity to test such testimony and the credibility of the witnesses on cross-examination before a jury. See supra notes 57-59 and accompanying text.
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[121] 533 F.2d 942 (5th Cir. 1976).
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[122] Id. at 944.
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[123] Id.
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[124] Id.
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[125] Id. In addition, the plaintiffs presented evidence that notwithstanding the fact that blacks comprised over 25 percent of the population in Alabama, the number of black lawyers constituted less than 1% of the state population. Id. The plaintiffs argued that this disparity was caused, in part, by the discriminatory and unconstitutional Bar Exam. Id.
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[126] Id. at 947.
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[127] Id.
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[128] Id. The plaintiffs filed a motion to compel the production of those documents. However, without ruling on that motion, the trial court entered a summary judgment in favor of the Bar Examiners. The court found no material issue of fact and held that " 'under the circumstances . . . the disparity in percentage of failures among blacks as compared to whites has little weight and fails to make out a prima facie case sufficient to realign the burden of proof so as to require the Defendants to establish that the exams are not discriminatory.' " Id. at 945 (quoting the district court).
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[129] Id. at 948.
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[130] Id.
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[131] Id.
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[132] Id. at 949. The Bar Examiners defending this practice claimed that it was crucial to the compelling state interest in identifying attorneys and discouraging persons other than the actual applicants from sitting for the examination. Id. (citing the district court opinion).
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[133] Id. (citation omitted).
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[134] Id. at 949-50.
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[135] Id. at 950. "At the April 20 hearing, the appellee secretary of the Alabama Bar Association stipulated that 'there is no effort by affiant to match the photographs of applicants with the persons actually appearing for the bar examinations, and affiant knows of no one else who attempts to make such a match up.' " Id. at 950 n.8.
[136] Parrish, 533 F.2d at 950.
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[137] Id. at 944 ("Statistics produced during the litigation showed, for example, that in the last ten bar examinations the passing rate for blacks had been 32% while it had been 70% for whites.").
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[138] Id. at 949.
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[139] 401 U.S. 424 (1971).
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[140] In Griggs, the Supreme Court had held that Title VII precluded the use, in the context of employment decisions, of tests or testing procedures that disproportionately excluded minorities, without regard to intent, absent a demonstration that such tests had been validated as demonstrating "a reasonable measure of job performance." Id. at 436.
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[141] 517 F.2d 1089 (5th Cir. 1975).
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[142] Id. at 1096 (citing 42 U.S.C. § 2000e(a)).
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[143] Parrish, 533 F.2d at 949.
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[144] Id. at 950. The documents in question consisted of the examination papers and graders' notes, which the plaintiffs wanted in order to see whether the papers of black and white exam takers with similar answers had, in fact, been graded differently. Id. at 947. Although the plaintiffs had moved to compel the production of these documents, the Board resisted and the court entered summary judgment in favor of the Board without ever ruling on the plaintiffs' motion. Thus the court held that it was necessary to remand on at least this issue "in order to permit the plaintiffs to complete their discovery as to matters on which the trial court had not acted prior to its final judgment." Id. at 948.
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[145] 563 F.2d 1130 (4th Cir. 1977), cert. denied, 435 U.S. 968 (1978).
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[146] Id. at 1131. Specifically, the evidence showed that plaintiff Spain, a June, 1971 applicant, had an average score of 70.5 and was failed by three examiners. Id. However, applicant number 129, a white June, 1970 applicant, received a score of 71.8 and was failed by three examiners but was then passed by the Board and admitted to practice. Id. Similarly, plaintiff Kelly, a February, 1971 applicant, received an average score of 69.6 and was failed by three examiners. Id. However, applicant number 10, a white February, 1971 applicant, received a score of 69.3 and was failed by two examiners but was then passed by the Board and admitted to practice. Id.
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[147] Id.
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[148] Id. (citing Bishop v. Wood, 426 U.S. 341 (1976), overruled as stated in Nichols v. City of Jackson, 848 F. Supp. 718 (S.D. Miss. 1994)).
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[149] Id. Additionally, the Fourth Circuit was concerned about whether the district court had even possessed the required subject matter jurisdiction to review the denial of admission of an individual to the state bar. Id. However, the majority of the court found it unnecessary to resolve this issue because they agreed that, even if the district court had possessed the subject matter jurisdiction, there was not sufficient proof to entitle the plaintiffs to individual relief in any case. Id. In fact, the court was divided on this question. Judge Hall wrote a separate, concurring opinion in which he stated that, while he agreed with the majority's holding on the merits, he was convinced that the district court did not, in fact, have the subject matter jurisdiction to review questions regarding the admission of individuals to the state bar. Id. at 1132. Judge Hall concluded that such disappointed individuals' proper recourse was to the state supreme court and then only to the United States Supreme Court. Id. at 1133.
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[150] Id. at 1132. No doubt, the court was also not impressed by the fact that both Spain and Kelley continued to fail on subsequent reexaminations. See id.
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[151] Id. at 1131.
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[152] 427 F. Supp. 282 (D. Md. 1977), aff'd sub nom. Pettit v. Ginerich, 582 F.2d 869 (4th Cir. 1978).
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[153] Id. at 294.
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[154] Id. at 290-91. Because the state did not record racial data on its bar applicants or require photographs during the years in question, plaintiffs' evidence for the existence of a racial disparity was based on information that they derived through an informal monitoring of the exam by black candidates. Id. at 290 n.4. That information suggested that between 1962 and 1972, the passage rate of whites was approximately 50%, while that of blacks was 6%. Id. Further, the plaintiffs alleged that for 10 of the 11 examination administrations between 1962 and 1973, approximately 50% of whites passed, while only 12% of blacks passed. Id. Lastly, the plaintiffs alleged that between 1962 and 1972, approximately 70% of whites eventually passed the exam after successive reexaminations, while only 20% of blacks eventually passed. Id.
[155] Id. at 291. The sole basis for this conclusive disposition of the plaintiffs' claim of intentional discrimination was the court's reliance on the deposition of Board Chairman Gingerich in which he represented that, based on their established procedures, the Board did not have the opportunity to discriminate because it could not tell the race of any individual bar applicant from that person's exam materials, seating charts, etc. See id. Regarding the affidavit testimony of the failed black applicant Marshall, who discovered that his examination books had been marked with a small letter "c," the court stated, "Apparently, plaintiffs wish this court to construe the marking as meaning colored." Id. However, without engaging in an analytical process, the court dismissed the possibility that such coding could exist, based on a defense affidavit regarding the proctors' practice during the examination of checking each test taker's name and seat number in order to check attendance. Id. at 292 n.6. Relying on that affidavit, the court concluded that "[t]here is nothing in the record to suggest, however, that the checking process has been used to gather racial information or that even if the process were so used, that the Board had access to the data." Id. at 291 n.5. Just as had been done in the Tyler case, the Pettit court relied presumptively on the statement of the Board members in their affidavits that they did not, and could not, know the race of any individual test taker during the grading process. The court's faith in the word of the Board members was so strong that it concluded that the "stringent procedures adopted by the Board . . . conclusively insure the anonymity of Bar examination candidates and concomitantly, the impossibility of discrimination." Id. at 292 (emphasis added). However, there was no evidence either requested or offered to determine the existence or purpose of an alleged internal Board administrative procedure that resulted in a small "c" being placed on all of Marshall's exam books. Moreover, due to the summary process disposition of this matter, the appellants were not afforded an opportunity to test the credibility of the testimony of the Bar Examiners on cross-examination before a jury.
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[156] Id. at 292.
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[157] Id. at 291-92.
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[158] Id. at 292-93. (citing Schware v. Board of Bar Examiners, 353 U.S. 232, 239 (1957); Tyler v. Vickery, 517 F.2d 1089, 1099-1101 (5th Cir. 1975), cert. denied, 426 U.S. 940 (1976); Whitfield v. Illinois Bd. of Law Examiners, 504 F.2d 474, 476 n.5 (7th Cir. 1974); Feldman v. State Bd. of Law Examiners, 438 F.2d 699, 705 (8th Cir. 1971); Chaney v. State Bar of Cal., 386 F.2d 962, 964-65 (9th Cir. 1967), cert. denied, 390 U.S. 1011, reh'g denied, 391 U.S. 929 (1968); Lewis v. Hartsock, No. 73-16 at 15-16 (S.D. Ohio, March 9, 1976); Shenfield v. Prather, 387 F. Supp. 676, 686 (N.D. Miss. 1974)).
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[159] Id. at 293. However, the court noted that such disproportionality is not irrelevant; rather, it simply is not "the sole touchstone of an invidious racial discrimination forbidden by the Constitution." Id. (citing McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U.S. 184 (1964)).
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[160] Id. (citing Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 248-52 (1976); Richardson v. McFadden, 540 F.2d 744, 748-49 (4th Cir. 1976)).
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[161] Id.
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[162] Id. (citing Tyler v. Vickery, 517 F.2d 1089, 1102 (5th Cir. 1975)).
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[163] Id. (quoting Shenfield v. Prather, 387 F. Supp. 676, 689 (N.D. Miss. 1974)).
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[164] Id. The court quoted the Shenfield court, which noted that a 70% cutoff score had been adopted by 16 of the 24 states whose practices were known to it. Id. There was no indication as to the cutoff scores of the other 8 states and what, if any, standards should be employed to distinguish the arbitrary, but popular, standards from the rational and constitutional ones. See supra notes 100-10 and accompanying text for discussion of the dissent's view in Tyler.
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[165] Tyler and Parrish were decided in Georgia and Alabama, respectively; Richardson was decided in South Carolina; and Pettit was decided in Maryland.
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[166] 522 F. Supp. 886 (E.D. Pa. 1981).
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[167] Id.
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[168] Id. Scores were raised between February, 1973 and July, 1976. Id. at 895.
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[169] Id. at 886.
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[170] Id. For example, the court observed, "For the ten year period from 1933 to 1943, no Black was admitted to the practice of law in Pennsylvania. . . . [F]rom July 1950 to the end of 1952, thirty Black candidates from Philadelphia County took a total of forty-three examinations, some individuals being examined two or more times, and . . . only six of them passed." Id. at 886-87.
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[171] Id. at 887. The court noted that as early as 1953, the Chancellor of the Philadelphia Bar Association appointed a Special Committee to "investigate the allegation of discrimination in the grading of bar examinations." Id. That committee, known as the "Hastie Committee," was chaired by the late William G. Hastie, a former Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. Id. & n.1. Subsequently, in 1970, the chancellor appointed Peter G. Liacouras, then Dean of the Temple University Law School, to chair another committee to "investigate the claims of possible discrimination against black law students." Id. (citation omitted).
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[172] Id.
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[173] Id.
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[174] Id. at 896.
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[175] Prior to 1972, the Pennsylvania Bar Exam was entirely essay in format. Id. at 888. In February, 1972, the Board added the Multistate Bar Exam (MBE) to its Bar Examination. Id.
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[176] Id. at 889-91. In support of its argument, the Board noted that the percentage of passing applicants "was much higher than it had been prior to the introduction of the MBE and significantly higher than that of other states." Id. at 891. The Board then contended that the scores were raised from 55 to 60 to remedy this relatively high passage rate. Id. at 891-92.
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[177] Id. at 890. The court noted, however, that, in setting the passing score for the February, 1972 exam administration, Judge Wilkinson, then Chairman of the Board of Bar Examiners, "believed that the appropriate passing grade for a combined essay-MBE examination should be somewhere between 60 and 70." Id. However, when Wilkinson asked the National Conference of Bar Examiners (NCBE) and the Educational Testing Service (ETS), which had prepared the MBE, to advise him regarding the establishment of a passing score, "neither organization was willing to recommend a passing score." Id. However, in setting the passing score, the court observed that "the Board has always been concerned exclusively with determining what grade in its view demonstrated minimum competence to practice law." Id.
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[178] Id. at 895 (citing Personnel Adm'r v. Feeny, 442 U.S. 256 (1979); Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev. Corp., 429 U.S. 252 (1977); Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976)). The court also pointed out that, under the Supreme Court's decision in Arlington Heights, the plaintiffs were not required to show that the challenged action was motivated solely by an intent to discriminate, but they did have to show that "a discriminatory purpose has been a motivating factor in the decision." Id. (citing Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 265-66).
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[179] Id. at 896.
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[180] Id.
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[181] Id. at 895.
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[182] Id.
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[183] Id. at 894.
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[184] Id. at 895 (emphasis added).
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[185] There is no discussion whatsoever in the case regarding whether such a score level could be established. This absence was no doubt due to the court's observation that the expert had concluded that "[n]o matter where the passing point is set, except at the very bottom, more blacks than whites will be failed." Id.
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[186] Id. at 896.
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[187] Id. at 896-97. For example, one expert testified that, in his opinion, "the constitutional law essay questions used in 1972 were not fit for use by law schools and that the model answers to the two constitutional law questions were not correct." Id. Another expert testified, "In connection with the MBE, . . . a multiple choice test on legal subjects is of questionable validity because, unlike a mathematics multiple choice test, very few of the wrong answers are patently wrong and many of them are arguably correct." Id. at 897.
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[188] Id.
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[189] Id. at 896 (citing Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976); Schware v. Board of Bar Examiners, 353 U.S. 232 (1957); Tyler v. Vickery, 517 F.2d 1089 (5th Cir. 1975), cert. denied, 426 U.S. 940 (1976); Chaney v. State Bar of Cal., 386 F.2d 962 (9th Cir. 1967), cert. denied, 390 U.S. 1011 (1968); Pettit v. Gingerich, 427 F. Supp. 282, aff'd per curiam, 582 F.2d 869 (4th Cir. 1978)).
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[190] Id. at 897 (citing Richardson v. McFadden, 563 F.2d 744 (4th Cir. 1976); Tyler v. Vickery, 517 F.2d 1089 (5th Cir. 1975)).
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[191] Id. (citing Tyler v. Vickery, 517 F.2d 1089 (5th Cir. 1975)).
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[192] Id. at 898. The court went on to observe that, when such a study is conducted, it "should include a comparative analysis of the answers of those applicants who failed to pass with the answers of those who received a passing grade. It was testified at trial that the applicants' answers were not available to the plaintiffs for the period covered in this litigation because it was the practice of the Board to destroy the applicants' answers after a period of time." Id. at 898 n.4.
[193] In describing the prospects for the future of racial discrimination legal challenges to the bar exam as "bleak," I mean only to suggest that it looks that way to me. The inhospitable attitudinal bent of the judiciary to such challenges and the current national mood against affirmative action and any policies aimed at leveling the playing field and providing opportunities to minorities and women, who have for so long been the victims of officially sanctioned discrimination by the organized bar, leave me with a heavy heart.
[194] See supra part III.A.1-5.
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[195] See, e.g., supra notes 57-59 and accompanying text.
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[196] By rough analogy to a criminal proceeding, these results are similar to the situation where the accused defendant denies by sworn affidavit that he committed the crime charged or even had the opportunity to do it and the case is dismissed for lack of any material issue of fact because the court believes that the accused has sworn his innocence in good faith. Similarly, in the civil context, if corporate officers charged by their shareholders with breaches of their fiduciary duties were to deny by sworn affidavit that they committed the offense or even had the opportunity to do it, the case would be dismissed for lack of any issue of material fact should the court be impressed in a like manner with the defendants' good faith. These examples illustrate both the logical and practical absurdity of allowing defendants to escape liability by summary judgment solely on the strength of their sworn affidavits of innocence and lack of opportunity. Nevertheless, this is precisely what has occurred time and time again when minority plaintiffs challenge bar examiners in court. Clearly, in both the criminal and civil examples cited, the proper response should be, if a prima facie case has been made out, that those accused, notwithstanding their good faith denials, must stand trial and have their credibility tested in the crucible of cross-examination before a jury, which under our system is the best test for determining the truth.
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[197] It can also be argued that so many failed challenges to bar examinations might have actually discouraged some blacks from even going to law school in the first place, since the prospects of passing the bar appear to be so dim.
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[198] See supra notes 90-96 and accompanying text.
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[199] There is no way to determine definitively why some judges appear to be hostile and unreceptive to attacks on the bar examination. There may be a number of different explanations or only one. However, one possible source of such judicial hostility may be a heightened sense of personal identification with the bar examination system by the judges themselves. As successful products of that system, they may feel a personal stake in perpetuating their own personal, as well as the public's, perception of it as a fair meritocracy. However, it might be argued that judges should feel a similar personal allegiance when they preside over cases where attorneys are sued for malpractice. I suggest that the two situations are distinctly different. When plaintiffs challenge the bar examination system, they are claiming that it is a biased process that does not truly measure or reward merit alone. By implication, some may feel that if the system is tainted, to some extent those who bear its imprimatur are similarly tainted. In contrast, when an attorney is sued for malpractice, the plaintiff is not attacking the system that judged him fit to practice; rather, they are leveling a personal accusation at a particular attorney's handling of a particular case. In essence, they are not saying that the system is blameworthy but that the attorney is personally blameworthy in his conduct of a particular case. The cause of the attorney's malpractice may have been incompetence, which, to some extent, does implicate the system that produced him. However, it may also have been due to a host of factors that are all personal to the attorney and do not necessarily implicate the system, such as inefficiency, inattention, malfeasance, etc. Consequently, a judge hearing an attorney malpractice case is far less likely to feel personally implicated than when hearing a challenge to the bar examination itself. In fact, a judge hearing a malpractice case would reasonably view the system as "good," in the sense of establishing sensible standards of attorney conduct, and the individual attorney as blameworthy, to the extent that he violated those standards. Thus, in being called upon to rule in favor of a plaintiff suing an attorney, judges could reasonably view themselves as defending the system. However, in being called upon to rule in favor of a plaintiff challenging the bar examination on the basis of illegal bias, judges could reasonably view themselves as endorsing an attack on the system. Some judges could understandably view such an attack on the system, by implication, as an attack on themselves. As a consequence, in an effort to defend themselves, such judges might well feel the need to defend the system in ways that do not afford a full and fair evaluation to the plaintiff's case. I am not suggesting that this judicial resistance is always either conscious or intentional, although sometimes it may be. More often than not, it is more likely an unconscious and unintentional reaction to a subtle and perceived affront to their status as the deserving products of a fair meritocracy.
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[200] See supra note 135 and accompanying text (discussing the voting rights cases, where under the official state and local policy, black voters were identified by such methods as using different color cards or tickets or the letter "c," for colored, beside their names; state and local officials in the South not only instituted and utilized these blatantly discriminatory systems but, when challenged, vigorously defended them in court).
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[201] Tyler v. Vickery, 517 F.2d 1089, 1106 (5th Cir. 1975).
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[202] The optimistic view is to consider this perspective wholly generational and, therefore, a problem of the past which fades daily as that generation of lawyers and officials grows older and retires. However, a more realistic view is that the prospects for a radically different experience for the lawyers of today and even tomorrow are not terribly hopeful, given statistics that indicate that only about 10% of the law school population consists of minorities and that there has been only a 0.1% increase in the number of black lawyers in the last 10 years. See YAMAKI ET AL., supra note 6, at 9-10 (law school minority populations); Carey & Parker, supra note 25, at A1 (black lawyers).
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[203] Tyler 517 F.2d at 1096.
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[204] Id. at 1095. See also material on U.C.C. Article 2 and use of rules by analogy, infra note 206.
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[205] Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1096.
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[206] [207] See Tyler, 517 F.2d at 1096 (concluding that the Georgia Board of Bar Examiners was neither an "employer," an "employment agency," nor a "labor organization" within the meaning of Title VII). It is interesting to note that all subsequent cases faced with this question cite Tyler for the proposition that Title VII does not apply to the equal protection analysis of a challenge to a bar examination, and Tyler's exact language has been reiterated in other cases. See, e.g., Woodward v. Virginia Bd. of Bar Examiners, 598 F.2d 1345, 1346 (4th Cir. 1979).
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[208] This refusal was based solely on the reasoning that since bar examiners were neither employers nor employment agencies, Title VII did not apply by it own terms. See supra notes 67-70 and accompanying text discussing Tyler.
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[209] 490 U.S. 642 (1989).
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[210] 401 U.S. 424 (1971).
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[211] See supra notes 60-69 discussing the employer employment agency theory of Title VII as applied by analogy.
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[212] See Griggs, 401 U.S. at 432; see also Reginald Leamon Robinson, The Impact of Hobbe[s]'s Empirical Natural Law on Title VII's Effectiveness: A Hegelian Critique, 25 CONN. L. REV. 607, 609 (1993). Professor Robinson noted that, even after Title VII was amended, "[t]hese amendments proved ineffective, and in 1989 the Court decided Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Atonio which severely weakened the Griggs disparate impact approach. As a result, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1991 . . . , the purpose of which was to counteract the Supreme Court's more conservative jurisprudence." Robinson, supra, at 609 (citations omitted).
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[213] Griggs, 401 U.S. at 432.
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[214] Id.
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[215] Id.
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[216] Id.
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[217] Id.
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[218] Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Atonio, 490 U.S. 642, 658-59 (1989).
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[219] Id.
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[220] Id.
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[221] Id. In determining whether this test had been met, the Wards Cove Court noted that "the dispositive issue is whether a challenged practice serves, in a significant way, the legitimate employment goals of the employer." Id. at 659. However, the Court also pointed out that, in order to be considered "legitimate employer goals," the justification had to be more than just a mere insubstantial one "because such a low standard of review would permit discrimination to be practiced through . . . spurious . . . employment practices." Id. However, the Court also concluded that "there is no requirement that the challenged practice be 'essential' or 'indispensable' to the employer's business for it to pass muster." Id.
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[222] [223] Wards Cove, 490 U.S. at 660-61.
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[224] Id. at 661.
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[225] Kenneth Williams, A Legal Challenge to Bar Examinations, 16 T. MARSHALL L. REV. 537, 539 n.24 (1991) (quoting Recent Cases, 103 HARV. L. REV. 806, 808 n.21 (1990)).
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[226] 709 F. Supp. 345 (S.D.N.Y. 1989).
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[227] Id. at 348.
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[228] Id. Under Title IX all federally funded educational programs are prohibited from discriminating on the basis of gender. Id. at 360 (citing 20 U.S.C. § 1681(a) (1988)).
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[229] Id. at 348.
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[230] Id. at 364.
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[231] Id.
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[232] The plaintiffs' evidence of disparate impact was primarily statistical. For example, they demonstrated that for the academic year 1986-87, girls represented 53% of the applicants for the state merit scholarships, id. at 355 n.26; however, only 43% of the scholarship recipients were girls that year, id. at 355. The plaintiffs argued that this gender-based disparate impact was the result of the state's use of a testing standard that was not rationally related to its purpose and therefore deprived them of equal protection under the law. Id. at 348; see also Kary L. Moss, Standardized Tests as a Tool of Exclusion: Improper Use of the SAT in New York, 4 BERKELEY WOMEN'S L.J. 230, 238 (1989-90) (discussing Sharif).
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[233] See W. Sherman Rogers, Title VII Preemption of State Bar Examinations: Applicability of Title VII to State Occupational Licensing Tests, 32 HOW. L.J. 563, 602 (1989) (analyzing the Fifth Circuit's decision in Tyler and its progeny and concluding that, "[f]or whatever reason, the Fifth Circuit's statement seems to have been blindly accepted by other courts without scrutiny").
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[234] See, e.g., Woodard v. Virginia Bd. of Bar Examiners, 598 F.2d 1345, 1346 (1979); Parrish v. Board of Comm'rs of Ala. State Bar, 533 F.2d 942, 949 (5th Cir. 1976); Delgado v. McTighe, 442 F. Supp. 725, 730 (E.D. Pa. 1976). But see Woodard v. Virginia Bd. of Bar Examiners, 420 F. Supp. 211, 213 (E.D. Va. 1976).
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[235] An employer is defined as "a person engaged in an industry affecting commerce who has fifteen or more employees for each working day in each of twenty or more calendar weeks in the current or preceding calendar year, and any agent of such a person." 42 U.S.C. § 2000e(b) (1988) (emphasis added).
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[236] See Pub. L. No. 92-261, 86 Stat. 103 (1972) (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. § 2000e(a) (1988) (amending definition of "person" to include governments, governmental agencies, and political subdivisions); see also Florida v. Long, 487 U.S. 223, 228 n.1 (1988) (noting how the 1972 amendments to Title VII made states and local governments "employers" under Title VII for the first time); see generally Rogers, supra note 227, at 563.
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[237] See Sparks v. The Character & Fitness Committee of Kentucky, 818 F.2d 541 (6th Cir. 1987) (holding state bar examiners performed quasi-judicial function of state supreme court).
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[238] 420 F. Supp. 211 (1976), aff'd, 598 F.2d 1345 (4th Cir. 1979).
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[239] Id. at 213 n.3.
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[240] Id. (citations omitted).
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[241] Id. at 214. In so holding, the court reasoned, "The Supreme Court has recognized 'that the States have a compelling interest in the practice of professions within their boundaries, and that as part of their power to protect the public health, safety, and other valid interests they have broad power to establish standards for licensing practitioners and regulating the practice of professions.' " Id. (quoting Goldfarb v. Virginia State Bar, 421 U.S. 773, 792 (1975) (emphasis added by Woodard court)).
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[242] Woodward v. Virginia Bd. of Bar Examiners, 598 F.2d 1345, 1346 (4th Cir. 1979).
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[243] Los Angeles Dep't of Water & Power v. Manhart, 435 U.S. 702, 718 n.33 (1978) (citations omitted).
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[244] Spirt v. Teacher Ins. and Annuity Ass'n, 691 F.2d 1054, 1063 (2d Cir. 1982), vacated and remanded, 463 U.S. 1223 (1983) (citations omitted).
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[245] Susan E. Brown & Claire Levay, Melendez v. Burciaga: Revealing the State of the Art in Bar Examinations, B. EXAMINER, May 1982, at 4, 6; see supra notes 165-177 and accompanying text (discussing Delgado v. McTighe and describing how neither the officials from the Educational Testing Service, which designed the Multistate Bar Exam, nor the National Conference of Bar Examiners could advise the Pennsylvania Bar Examiners as to what passing score would ensure minimum competence).
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[246] 522 F. Supp. 886 (E.D. Pa. 1981).
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[247] Id. at 897.
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[248] AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION SECTION OF LEGAL EDUCATION AND ADMISSIONS TO BAR, REPORT AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE TASK FORCE ON LAWYER COMPETENCY: THE ROLE OF THE LAW SCHOOLS (1979) [hereinafter ABA REPORT].
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[249] Id. at 9.
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[250] AMERICAN LAW INSTITUTE- AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE ON CONTINUING PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION, A PEER REVIEW SYSTEM: DISCUSSION DRAFT 11 (1980) [hereinafter ALI-ABA COMMITTEE DRAFT].
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[251] Id. at 154.
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[252] Stephen P. Klein, Summary of Research on the Multistate Bar Examination, B. EXAMINER, Aug. 1983, at 10, 13; see also John F. O'Hara & Stephen P. Klein, Is the Bar Examination an Adequate Measure of Lawyer Competence, B. EXAMINER, Aug. 1981, at 28, 29. Dr. Klein, perhaps the most prominent defender of the bar exam on the basis of statistical correlations, has further acknowledged that "[n]o studies have attempted to correlate MBE (Multistate Bar Exam) scores with 'success as a lawyer' because of the difficulty of obtaining agreement as to a valid measure of success." See Rogers, supra note 233, at 590.
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[253] Edward F. Bell, Do Bar Examinations Serve a Useful Purpose?, 57 A.B.A. J. 1215, 1216 (1971). The author also concludes that to the extent that the bar exam's purpose is to determine lawyer competence, "that purpose has not been accomplished. There are many grossly incompetent lawyers practicing law today who have passed a bar examination that failed to eliminate them and to prevent them from practicing on an unsuspecting public." Id.
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[254] Id.
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[255] RICHARD S. BARRETT, COMMISSION ON TESTING AND PUBLIC POLICY, CONTENT VALIDITY IN EMPLOYMENT TESTING 89 (1989) (draft report); see also Emsellem, supra note 5, at 44.
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[256] Symposium, The Minority Candidate and the Bar Examination, 5 BLACK L.J. 120, 178 (1977).
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[257] Alfred E. Carlson & Charles E. Werts, Relationships Among Law School Predictors, Law School Performance, and Bar Exam Results, 3 REPORTS OF LSAC SPONSORED RESEARCH 211, 214 (Sept. 1976). But see Erwin N. Griswold, In Praise of Bar Examinations, 60 A.B.A. J. 81 (Jan. 1974).
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[258] 540 F.2d 744 (4th Cir. 1976).
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[259] Id. at 746-47.
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[260] See THE NEW YORK STATE BAR ASSOCIATION, FINAL REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON LAWYER[t]he allegation that Blacks have been excluded by the Board from the practice of law in Pennsylvania is not new. Frankly, some of the statistics are shocking. For the ten year period from 1933 to 1943, no Black was admitted to the practice of law in Pennsylvania. . . . [F]rom July 1950 to the end of 1952, thirty Black candidates from Philadelphia County took a total of forty-three examinations, some individuals being examined two or more times, and . . . only six of them passed.
Id. at 886-87. See also GERALDINE R. SEGAL, BLACKS IN THE LAW: PHILADELPHIA AND THE NATION (1983). In discussing the nature of this problem, Segal cites a 1973 study by Lani Guinier, a University of Pennsylvania Law School Professor at that time. The study, which was conducted before indicia of color were eliminated from the records kept by state bar examiners, documented the failure rates of black candidates as follows:
[a]lthough we found very few answers or reasons for the low passage rate, and in fact little concrete statistical evidence that a significant variance between majority and minority exam takers exists, other than anecdotally, we nonetheless believe that the questions raised herein and our recommendations are sound, and can serve as a basis for further study and analysis. . . .
Bernstine, supra, at 15 n.1.
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[s]uch data collection is a necessary antecedent to the identification of any defects in the content, design, and/or administration of the bar examination. The goals of data collection are to identify any components of the testing process which are unrelated to the practice of law and which have a disproportionate adverse impact upon minority applicants.
Id.
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[f]or the first time, an accurate determination of the bar passage rate among various discrete groups; e.g., men and women, minorities, graduates of large and small law schools, members of low and middle income families, graduates of private and public law schools, and the like, can be achieved over several administrations of the bar examination and in all states.
Id.
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has been endorsed by the Conference of Chief Justices, National Conference of Bar Examiners, American Bar Association Section of Legal Education and Admissions to the Bar, National Asian Pacific American Bar Association, and the Council on Legal Education Opportunity. [Moreover b]oards of law examiners in Alabama, Arizona, California, Colorado, Florida, Maine, Maryland, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina, Texas and Wisconsin have already agreed to fully cooperate with the study.
Ramsey, supra note 24, at 21-22.
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29 C.F.R. § 1607.3 (1974).
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In 1912, racism within the legal community was so rampant that a storm arose over the "inadvertent" election of the first three black attorneys to the American Bar Association by its Executive Committee. When the Executive Committee discovered that it had unknowingly elected three members "of the colored race," the committee rescinded its prior action, stating that "the settled practice of the Association has been to elect only white men to membership."
Id. at 17.
Article 2 of the Code applies only to the "sale of goods." However, it can be applied to the lender-borrower relationship from any one or more of three different perspectives: (1) by analogizing the underlying purposes and policies behind the rules pertaining to both types of transactions (The U.C.C. provides that it should be 'liberally construed and applied to promote its underlying purposes and policies[.]'); or (2) by characterizing their relationship as a "mix" of a transaction involving both goods and services; or (3) by characterizing the borrowed funds in a loan transaction as "goods" in and of themselves.
Hunt, supra, at 770-71 n.321 (citations omitted).
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With this 1989 decision, the Court redefined the thrust of Title VII and limited Griggs['] liberal scope of liability. Wards Cove thus established a new touchstone. Under Wards Cove, employers needed to prove only that challenged practices served legitimate goals 'in a significant way.' This rule could be viewed as undermining Title VII's goal of absolute equality in the workplace and as supplanting Griggs' liberal liability threshold. To this extent, Wards Cove redefined Title VII.
Robinson, supra note 212, at 638.
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